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Stanley Deetz (Stan)
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Research Contributions

Development as a Critical Theorist

Publications:
Recent Publications

Books

Projects:
Native Theory Project

Books in Progress:
Communication Theory

Coporate Governance

Lectures:
Brazil Abracorp Conference 2008

Gonzaga Interview 2007

Nebraska Lecture 2006

Sam Becker Lecture 2003

Corporate Governance Keynote 2003

Student Projects:
Doctoral Student Projects

My Development as a Critical Theorist

My personal biography is clearly represented in my critical scholarly work and interventions in actual organizations.  I grew up on a dairy farm in a small, rural, isolated community in Indiana.  The emphasis there was on the community, family and church as central institutions giving meaning and direction to life.  The “simple life” was a core moral theme, taking only what you needed, giving back as much as you could.  Decision-making guided by the health of the community driven by consensus and the need to endlessly live together was an everyday reality.  Farm work is very lonely and contemplative but also cooperative and collaborative. The extend illness and finally death of my sister accentuated and deepened these cultural properties and heightened my sense that the world was filled both with injustices and beauty some of which you can do something about and some not.

 From such a community, even casual external contact reminds you that you are “other,” marginal, and outside the mainstream.  You’re a “hick,” you don’t speak well, dress well, your life is quaint, your community sense is naive.  While most of my peers stayed behind to either decry, or in some cases to quickly embrace, the growing encroachment of the newly structured secular world focused on consumption and white middle-classness, I was much more unsettled and ambivalent.  I was in a “red” state caught at the very beginning of the “cultural wars” to come.

College brought a much larger world, a different kind of reflection and the realization that there are lots of ways of being “other.” My feelings—awkwardness, being scrutinized, not belonging, caught between, being in the wrong battle rather than on the wrong side of it—were hardly unique.  Blacks, women, laborers, ethnic traditions, ecologists, individuals with different sexual orientations, and native peoples throughout the world suffered a variety of exclusions.  Not only are specific groups of people left out but so are parts of ourselves.  While the type and depth of others’ exclusion was far different and much greater than mine (I could learn to “pass”), all shared ways that their hopes, values and very sensibilities found little way of expression or representation in the decisions and development of the larger community.  Their exclusion lead both to their disadvantage and limited the development of the wider society.

Only in contact with the various outsides does the seamlessness and even idealized nature of my Hoosier farm story disappear.  It is not only marginal, it also marginalizes.  My own endless uneasiness and confusions growing up couldn’t find expression or even become organized as thoughts. Feelings of being trapped; frustrations with reoccurring compromises; the sequestering of the feminine; possible discussions of the communally shared anger toward the “gover’ment” and the outside society; the pain and fear of those I now know as gay friends—all were pushed to the margins and rendered voiceless and invisible. 

Critical theory reminds us that self-reflection can not get to that; we must reach out to others rather than in to ourselves to understand.  All cultures have a tendency to produce themselves as the culture, the world as nature intended, but in contact with others we know each is only a culture and begin to understand its oppressions.

College and this growing awareness was the sixties to me.  1968, for me and many others, was the first personal and general social sense that significant groups of people, and aspects of each of us, lacked a voice.  The lack was not just of the opportunity to speak (this limitation was already known), but we were becoming aware that the real restriction was on our ability to form and represent our own experience in our own terms—a much more radical idea.  Freedom of speech was a necessary but not sufficient condition; a politics of experience proceeded a politics of expression; the personal was already political. 

I was drawn to political action and social philosophy, but lacked the conceptual tools to understand very deeply. I was nineteen, life was simpler, I was a pre-law/econ major, and the complexity and richness of the idea of “voice” and the politics of experience was lost in a world conveniently divided into oppressors and the oppressed. A more complex exploration of the processes of social constitution was lost to me in a world where an oppressed group’s opinion of how things worked became fact, and all of everyday life’s difficulties were simply attributed to some powerful person’s fault somewhere. I reacted in the world, but could rarely act on it.

My graduate work focused on phenomenology and hermeneutics, I suspect implicitly to understand how social worlds come to be constructed as they are and to understand more richly those worlds that are different from my own.  Though to be honest all this seems cleaner and clearer in retrospect.  More properly, it was fragmented and random. I bumped into great teachers; I read things that showed me a world I have never considered; I got hooked on books as well as action. I began to think about and act in systems at a deeper, more complex level.

My philosophical studies in graduate school, especially through the works of Husserl, Heidegger, and Gadamer, provided a radically different way to understand and explore the social construction of reality and fed a growing suspicion that the dominant psychological conceptions of people and the nature of their experience not only missed much but was finally oppressive. The gradual development in these works of the “linguistic turn” placed language and communication as core to any understanding of social construction and political exclusion.  Communication replaces consciousness as the core human and political concern.  And with this, communication became a central mode of description and explanation of organizational life rather than simply a phenomenon in it.

The application to the study of organizations arises for me out of an awareness that practices and decisions made inside organizations actively colonize other potentially alternative meaning giving institutions like the family, church, and community and the public political process.  Furthermore, these practices colonize our feelings and relations among the many parts of our lives both in and outside of the workplace. This colonization both produces and reproduces forms of domination and exclusion. And, while organizational decisions are inevitable value-laden, they are most often justified by single dimension logics (of profitability and rational, value-free decision making), thus distorting choices and precluding the creative accomplishment of different social interests. Our own lives come to mirror that one-dimensionality.  This was finally summarized in my book, Democracy in an Age of Corporate Colonization (1992).

The attempt was not to valorize other social institutions with their own forms of domination and exclusion (their own mono-culturalisms) but to enable other institutions a less colonized development and, hence, putting them in a more balanced and dynamic relation with each other. Social life is considered as an ongoing social construction that may be openly developed, reflecting many different conflicting needs, or it can be one-sided and skewed, reflecting dominant interests alone. 

Neither I, nor critical theory, have an easy vision of how we should develop, but critical theory provides some understanding of how a wider variety of interests might be brought into the process of choices and development.  In some sense critical theory seem obvious rather than radical. Once we understand that our world, our cultural life, is a social construction we should know who and to what ends it was constructed in this way and have some choice in the matter.

Critical theory as I express it is somewhat different from those who come to it from class politics or labor processes. Critical theory is expressed different by a white male farm kid than by a person of color, woman or child of factory laborers.  Our biographies as they are constituted by larger social historical processes enable differences to be brought to the larger discussion both limiting and helping enable a fuller discussion.  

Compared to other critical works, my focus is more on meaning and personal identities; the micro-political processes by which these are formed is emphasized over class politics and radical structural change; who is in power is of less concern than the inclusion in processes by which decisions are made; understanding the processes of exclusion is complemented by a desire to make decisions together; and, concern with communication distortion is emphasized over false consciousness as a key element of non-representative and socially irresponsible decisions.  The tenor is different.  I work more to figure out how to include diverse interests rather than complain about the injustice of exclusion. I suspect that everyone coming to critical theory has some degree of anger at social injustice and some love of the potential in human sociality.  I lean to the later.


Adapted From:  Deetz, S. (2005).  Critical theory.  In S. May and D. Mumby (eds.),  Engaging organizational communication theory:  Multiple perspectives (pp. 85-11).  Thousand Oaks, CA:  Sage.